One-Liner
A civic app reconstructing probabilistic Korean legislative influence networks from three public data streams — National Assembly co-sponsorship, ministry meeting logs, and FSC industry-association comments.
AI Thinking Process
Impossibility Negation engine: 'You can't build a useful Korean lobbyist tracker — the disclosure regime is too weak.' National Assembly co-sponsorship data, ministry meeting logs, FSC industry-association comments now AI-parseable.
Citizen-facing civic app reconstructing probabilistic Korean legislative-influence networks from three public data streams. Freemium with paid tier for journalists and legal users.
POPONG (bill tracking, not lobbying networks). PoliNetKorea (academic research, not product). Civic Hacking Korea (community, no commercial product). Hankyoreh/Newstapa do individual investigative stories manually. No continuous data product.
WHO failed: 'civic-minded Korean voter' is not a willing-to-pay customer. Korean civic tech monetizes via government contracts, not subscriptions. Journalists are 200-person market.
Pivot to chaebol GR teams wanting to track competitor lobbying. B2B intelligence product. TAM ~30–50 chaebol GR offices + 100 mid-cap. $3–8M ARR ceiling.
Both consumer civic and B2B-GR pivot fail. Consumer: no paying buyer. B2B-GR: TAM thin + structural adoption barrier (GR officers' informal network is their value, not data product) + lobbying tools are insider-built not vendor-bought.
Kill Reason
Consumer-civic version failed on buyer-monetization gap (Korean civic tech monetizes via government contracts, not subscriptions; voters do not pay for transparency tools). B2B pivot for chaebol government-relations teams failed on thin TAM ($3–8M ARR ceiling, 30–50 named buyers) and structural adoption barrier — chaebol GR officers' value comes from personal informal-network access, not public-data products.
Risk Analysis
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killed: Consumer-civic version failed on buyer-monetization gap (Korean civic tech monetizes via government contracts, not subscriptions; voters do not pay for transparency tools). B2B pivot for chaebol government-relations teams failed on thin TAM ($3–8M ARR ceiling, 30–50 named buyers) and structural adoption barrier — chaebol GR officers' value comes from personal informal-network access, not public-data products.
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